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I understand him to maintain, that the ultimate power of judging of the constitutional extent of its own authority, is not lodged exclusively in the general government, or any branch of it; but that, on the contrary, the states may lawfully decide for themselves, and each state for itself, whether, in a given case, the act of the general government transcends its power. Sheidley, Harlow W. "The Wester-Hayne Debate: Recasting New England's Sectionalism", Virginia and Kentucky resolutions of 179899, https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=WebsterHayne_debate&oldid=1135315190, This page was last edited on 23 January 2023, at 22:54. Most people of the time supported a small central government and strong state governments, so the federal government was much weaker than you might have expected. One was through protective tariffs, high taxes on imports and exports. . The heated speeches were unplanned and stemmed from the debate over a resolution by Connecticut Senator Samuel A. South Carolina nullification was now coming in sight, and a celebrated debate that belongs to the first session exposed its claims and its fallacies to the country. By the time it ended nine days later, the focus had shifted to the vastly more cosmic concerns of slavery and the nature of the federal Union. The Northwest Ordinance. . Enrolling in a course lets you earn progress by passing quizzes and exams. They switched from a. the tariff of 1828 to national power . Mr. Webster arose, and, in conclusion, said: A few words, Mr. President, on this constitutional argument, which the honorable gentleman has labored to reconstruct. Well, it's important to remember that the nation was still young and much different than what we think of today. Sir, we will not stop to inquire whether the black man, as some philosophers have contended, is of an inferior race, nor whether his color and condition are the effects of a curse inflicted for the offences of his ancestors. Excerpts from Ratification Documents of Virginia a Ratifying Conventions>New York Ratifying Convention. The gentleman insists that the states have no right to decide whether the constitution has been violated by acts of Congress or not,but that the federal government is the exclusive judge of the extent of its own powers; and that in case of a violation of the constitution, however deliberate, palpable and dangerous, a state has no constitutional redress, except where the matter can be brought before the Supreme Court, whose decision must be final and conclusive on the subject. . . we find the most opposite and irreconcilable opinions between the two parties which I have before described. All rights reserved. The honorable gentleman from Massachusetts [Senator Daniel Webster] has gone out of his way to pass a high eulogium on the state of Ohio. Webster-Hayne Debate | Encyclopedia.com Thirty years before the Civil War broke out, disunion appeared to be on the horizon with the Nullification Crisis. In our contemplation, Carolina and Ohio are parts of the same country; states, united under the same general government, having interests, common, associated, intermingled. Speech of Senator Daniel Webster of Massachusetts, January 26 and 27, 1830. This episode was used in nineteenth century America as a Biblical justification for slavery. This statement, though strong, is no stronger than the strictest truth will warrant. At the time of the debate, Webster was serving his term as Senator of Massachusetts. . . Webster-Hayne Debate 1830, an unplanned series of speeches in the Senate, during which Robert Hayne of South Carolina interpreted the Constitution as little more than a treaty between sovereign states, and Daniel Webster expressed the concept of the United States as one nation. The discussion took a wide range, going back to topics that had agitated the country before the Constitution was formed. . Tariff of 1816 History & Significance | What was the Tariff of 1816? I shrink almost instinctively from a course, however necessary, which may have a tendency to excite sectional feelings, and sectional jealousies. The excited crowd which had packed the Senate chamber, filling every seat on the floor and in the galleries, and all the available standing room, dispersed after the orator's last grand apostrophe had died away in the air, with national pride throbbing at the heart. Webster-Hayne Debate - U-S-History Several state governments or courts, some in the north, had espoused the idea of nullification prior to 1828. . But I take leave of the subject. No hanging over the abyss of disunion, no weighing of the chances, no doubting as to what the Constitution was worth, no placing of liberty before Union, but "liberty and union, now and forever, one and inseparable." One of those was the Webster-Hayne debate, a series of unplanned speeches presented before the Senate between January 19th and 27th of 1830. After his term as a senator, he served as the Governor of South Carolina. Sir, all our difficulties on this subject have arisen from interference from abroad, which has disturbed, and may again disturb, our domestic tranquility, just so far as to bring down punishment upon the heads of the unfortunate victims of a fanatical and mistaken humanity. The significance of Daniel Webster's argument went far beyond the immediate proposal at hand. The Webster-Hayne debate laid out key issues faced by the Senate in the 1820s and 1830s. . Sir, if we are, then vain will be our attempt to maintain the Constitution under which we sit. This important consideration, seriously and deeply impressed on our minds, led each state in the Convention to be less rigid, on points of inferior magnitude, than might have been otherwise expected.. The United States' democratic process was evolving and its leaders were putting the newly ratified Constitution into practice. Do they mean, or can they mean, anything more than that the Union of the states will be strengthened, by whatever continues or furnishes inducements to the people of the states to hold together? The tendency of all these ideas and sentiments is obviously to bring the Union into discussion, as a mere question of present and temporary expediency; nothing more than a mere matter of profit and loss. I understand him to maintain an authority, on the part of the states, thus to interfere, for the purpose of correcting the exercise of power by the general government, of checking it, and of compelling it to conform to their opinion of the extent of its powers. This leads us to inquire into the origin of this government, and the source of its power. Far, indeed, in my wishes, very far distant be the day, when our associated and fraternal stripes shall be severed asunder, and when that happy constellation under which we have risen to so much renown, shall be broken up, and be seen sinking, star after star, into obscurity and night! Webster rose the next day in his seat to make his reply. Then, in January of 1830, a senator from Connecticut introduced a proposal to the Senate stating that the federal government should stop surveying the lands west of the Mississippi River. . Correct answers: 2 question: Which of the following is the best definition of a hypothesis? The Webster-Hayne debate concluded with Webster's ringing endorsement of "Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable." In contrast, Hayne espoused the radical states' rights doctrine of nullification, believing that a state could prevent a federal law from being enforced within its borders. Perhaps a quotation from a speech in Parliament in 1803 of Lord Castlereagh, Robert Stewart, 2nd Marquess of Londonderry (17691822) during a debate over the conduct of British officials in India. Try refreshing the page, or contact customer support. . A state will be restrained by a sincere love of the Union. . The Webster-Hayne Debate: Defining Nationhood in the Early American Rather, the debate eloquently captured the ideas and ideals of Northern and Southern representatives of the time, highlighting and summarizing the major issues of governance of the era. Sir, I should fear the rebuke of no intelligent gentleman of Kentucky, were I to ask whether, if such an ordinance could have been applied to his own state, while it yet was a wilderness, and before Boone had passed the gap of the Alleghany, he does not suppose it would have contributed to the ultimate greatness of that commonwealth? Webster replied to his speech the next day and left not a shred of the charge, baseless as it was. This will co-operate with the feelings of patriotism to induce a state to avoid any measures calculated to endanger that connection. It makes but little difference, in my estimation, whether Congress or the Supreme Court, are invested with this power. This feeling, always carefully kept alive, and maintained at too intense a heat to admit discrimination or reflection, is a lever of great power in our political machine. If the federal government, in all or any of its departments, are to prescribe the limits of its own authority; and the states are bound to submit to the decision, and are not to be allowed to examine and decide for themselves, when the barriers of the Constitution shall be overleaped, this is practically a government without limitation of powers; the states are at once reduced to mere petty corporations, and the people are entirely at your mercy. I would strengthen the ties that hold us together. Correspondence Between Anthony Butler and Presiden State of the Union Address Part II (1846). God grant that, in my day, at least, that curtain may not rise. This, sir, is General Washingtons consolidation. We see its consequences at this moment, and we shall never cease to see them, perhaps, while the Ohio shall flow. Between January and May 1830, twenty-one of the forty-eight senators delivered a staggering sixty-five speeches on the nature of the Union. And who are its enemies? We love to dwell on that union, and on the mutual happiness which it has so much promoted, and the common renown which it has so greatly contributed to acquire. On this subject, as in all others, we ask nothing of our Northern brethren but to let us alone; leave us to the undisturbed management of our domestic concerns, and the direction of our own industry, and we will ask no more. What started as a debate over the Tariff of Abominations soon morphed into debates over state and federal sovereignty and liberty and disunion. . . If slavery, as it now exists in this country, be an evil, we of the present day found it ready made to our hands. We resolved to make the best of the situation in which Providence had placed us, and to fulfil the high trust which had developed upon us as the owners of slaves, in the only way in which such a trust could be fulfilled, without spreading misery and ruin throughout the land. . The Union to be preserved, while it suits local and temporary purposes to preserve it; and to be sundered whenever it shall be found to thwart such purposes. . . Be this as it may, Hayne was a ready and copious orator, a highly-educated lawyer, a man of varied accomplishments, shining as a writer, speaker, and counselor, equally qualified to draw up a bill or to advocate it, quick to memories, well fortified by wealth and marriage connections, dignified, never vulgar nor unmindful of the feelings of those with whom he mingled, Hayne moved in an atmosphere where lofty and chivalrous honor was the ruling sentiment. His speech was indeed a powerful one of its eloquence and personality. Nor shall I stop there. . I understand him to maintain this right, as a right existing under the Constitution; not as a right to overthrow it, on the ground of extreme necessity, such as would justify violent revolution. . . Record of the Organization and Proceedings of The Massachusetts Lawmakers Investigate Working Condit State (Colonial) Legislatures>Massachusetts State Legislature. Hayne began the debate by speaking out against a proposal by the northern states which suggested that the federal government should stop its surveyance of land west of the Mississippi and shift its focus to selling the land it had already surveyed. The debate was important because it laid out the arguments in favor of nationalism in the face of growing sectionalism. It is the common pretense. . Sir, when gentlemen speak of the effects of a common fund, belonging to all the states, as having a tendency to consolidation, what do they mean? The WebsterHayne debate was a debate in the United States between Senator Daniel Webster of Massachusetts and Senator Robert Y. Hayne of South Carolina that took place on January 1927, 1830 on the topic of protectionist tariffs. In January 1830, a debate on the nature of sovereignty in the American federal union occurred in the United States Senate between Senators Daniel Webster of Massachusetts and Robert Hayne of South Carolina. . We had no other general government. It was plenary then, and never having been surrendered, must be plenary now. He tells us, we have heard much, of late, about consolidation; that it is the rallying word for all who are endeavoring to weaken the Union by adding to the power of the states. But consolidation, says the gentleman, was the very object for which the Union was formed; and in support of that opinion, he read a passage from the address of the president of the Convention[3] to Congress (which he assumes to be authority on his side of the question.) My life upon it, sir, they would not. . Winners and Losers History's Famous Debates - Medium It has been said that Hayne was Calhoun's sword and buckler and that he returned to the contest refreshed each morning by nightly communions with the Vice-President, drawing auxiliary supplies from the well-stored arsenal of his powerful and subtle mind. Sir, the opinion which the honorable gentleman maintains, is a notion, founded in a total misapprehension, in my judgment, of the origin of this government, and of the foundation on which it stands. The other way was through the sale of federally-owned land to private citizens. Daniel webster (ma) and sen. Hayne of . Under that system, the legal actionthe application of law to individuals, belonged exclusively to the states. Webster-Hayne Debate. In this moment in American history, the federal government had relatively little power. I know, full well, that it is, and has been, the settled policy of some persons in the South, for years, to represent the people of the North as disposed to interfere with them, in their own exclusive and peculiar concerns. Andrew Jackson & the Nullification Crisis | The Hermitage Rush-Bagot Treaty Structure & Effects | What was the Rush-Bagot Agreement? I said, only, that it was highly wise and useful in legislating for the northwestern country, while it was yet a wilderness, to prohibit the introduction of slaves: and added, that I presumed, in the neighboring state of Kentucky, there was no reflecting and intelligent gentleman, who would doubt, that if the same prohibition had been extended, at the same early period, over that commonwealth, her strength and population would, at this day, have been far greater than they are. Why? Then he began his speech, his words flowing on so completely at command that a fellow senator who heard him likened his elocution to the steady flow of molten gold. . Webster and the northern states saw the Constitution as binding the individual states together as a single union. But, sir, the task has been forced upon me, and I proceed right onward to the performance of my duty; be the consequences what they may, the responsibility is with those who have imposed upon me this necessity. Consolidation!that perpetual cry, both of terror and delusionconsolidation! But, according to the gentlemans reading, the object of the Constitution was to consolidate the government, and the means would seem to be, the promotion of injustice, causing domestic discord, and depriving the states and the people of the blessings of liberty forever. In January 1830, a debate on the nature of sovereignty in the America. The whole form and structure of the federal government, the opinions of the Framers of the Constitution, and the organization of the state governments, demonstrate that though the states have surrendered certain specific powers, they have not surrendered their sovereignty. The next day, however, Massachusetts senator Daniel Webster rose with his reply, and the northern states knew they had found their champion. Congress could only recommendtheir acts were not of binding force, till the states had adopted and sanctioned them. The militia of the state will be called out to sustain the nullifying act. . All of these contentious topics were touched upon in Webster and Hayne's nine day long debate. The Webster-Hayne Debate: Defining Nationhood in the Early American The Hayne-Webster Debate was an unplanned series of speeches in the Senate, during which Robert Hayne of South Carolina interpreted the Constitution as little more than a treaty between sovereign states, and Daniel Webster expressed the concept of the United States as one nation. Noah grew a vineyard, got drunk on wine and lay naked. . . The Virginia Resolution asserted that when the federal government undertook the deliberate, palpable, and dangerous exercise of powers not granted to it in the constitution, states had the right and duty to interpose their authority to prevent this evil. [2] We deal in no abstractions. 1830's APUSH Flashcards | Quizlet

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